Cici Papa Geliyor...

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Başkan diyor ki :"Papa'ya kusur etmeyeceğiz..." O zaman İslâm'a  "kusur edeceksiniz" demektir. Bu adam İslam dinine hakaret etti... Etmedi mi ? Siz bir diyanet işleri başkanısınız, adınız Türk tarihine böyle yazıldı. Rahmetli Rıfat Börekçi'den beri Türkiye Cumhuriyeti tarihinde kendi dinine kusur işleyen bir Diyanet İşleri Başkanı görüldü mü ?

Papa'nın iki şapkası varmış : biri devlet reisi, diğeri kilise başı şapkası .. İyi de, hangi kilisenin ? İslam dinine göre kilise diye bir şey yoktur. Devlet başkanı şapkası elbette sizi uzaktan yakından ilgilendirmiyor, kilise şapkası ise hiç ilgilendirmez. Kitabî İslam'a göre kendisinden önce gelen tüm dinler "mülga" dır. Kaldırılmıştır. Silinmiştir. Yoktur. Karanlık geçmişte kalmış, tarihe gömülmüştür, şimdiki değimle gericiliktir. Mülga bir dinin başı, sonu onun da şapkası olur mu ?

Dinler'i din olmaktan   çıkarıp "sosyo-politik olaydır" derseniz, belki "varlıkları insanoğlunu terbiye etmeye yarar geçmiş ideolojiler" olarak kabul edilebilir, faydası da olur, ama hiçbir Müslüman için "kaldırılmış" bir dini var saymak mümkün değildir. İman tazelemek gerekir. Hırıstiyan dini vardır ama Vatikan'ın dediği gibi de değil. Kur'anımızda vahyedilen gibi...

İsa Ruhullah Aleyhisselam'a vahyedilen âyetlere dayanan Hırıstiyan dini, 330 İznik konsilinden sonra yüce bir peygambere hâşâ tanrılık sıfatı ekleyerek O'na "Tanrı'nın oğlu" dedi. İş o zaman bozuldu. Hâlâ düzelmedi. Sonra gelenler de İsa Peygamber adına bu fesada devam ettikleri için böyle bir sapkınlığın üzerine kurulan ibâdethane yoklukla mâlul oldu. İşte O'nun adı **"kilise"**dir. "Katolik Kilisesi'dir. Bu kilisenin başı da Papa'dır. Türk Diyanet İşleri Başkanı o Papayla hangi sıfatla, neyi nasıl konuşacak...? O adam İsa dininin değil, kilisenin başıdır.

Bu ülkede Diyanet işleri başkanından mahalle camiinin kayyumuna kadar hiçbir Müslüman din görevlisinin Papa ile resmen konuşması mümkün değildir. Hiçbir Müslüman din görevlisi "ortadan kaldırılmış" bir dinin yetkisiz mensubu ile konuşamaz. Kurumsal ilişki kuramaz, dost ahpap olur o kadar...Sayın Bardakoğlu misafirine bir çay içirsin sonra kapıya kadar uğurlayıp geri göndersin.

Yüzde doksan beş Müslüman'ın yaşadığı bir ülkeye o Müslümanların peygamberine hakaret eden bir adamı devlet misafiri olarak çağırdılar. Bu adam nereye geliyor ? O halkın değil, Devletin misafiridir... Bu halk ile bu Devletin arası bu kadar açık mıdır ? Bir devlet, temsil etmekte olduğu bir halkın duygularına bu kadar yabancı kalabilir mi ?   Bu Devlet hangi halkın ? Bu ayrılık ne zaman bitecek ? Bu halk ne zaman demokratik yollardan doğru dürüst temsil edilecek ?

Hindistanda Brahmanların, Tibett'te Lama'ların, Japonya'da Şinto dini güdenlerin, Pasifik adalarında Ramayana ayinleri yapanların, siyah Afrika'da animistlerin, Amerika'da Mormon'ların, Amazon ormanlarında yerlilerin,  peygamberlerine söven birinin oralarda dolaştığı görülmüş mudur   ? Devlet misafiri olduğu  duyulmuş mudur ? Adamı ağaca bağlar derisini yüzerler... Kelle avcıları kafasını kurutup boyunlarına asarlar. Mafya babaları peşine adam takarlar. Eteğini toplayamadan kaçar.

Biz medeniyiz, Papa' ya kusur etmeyeceğiz. Papayı çok seviyoruz... Cici Papa, aman ne güzel Papa... dikkat edin adam incinmesin... İkinci sınıf devlet protokolu, Swiss otelde yemek... İstanbulda Rum   Patriği Bartolemeos'un arabasına binecek mi ? Ayasofyada diz çökecek mi ? Patriği sakalından öpecek mi ? -Sen merak etme ben Bush'a söylerim, Heybeliada Papaz Mektebini açtırırım diyecek mi ? Patrik ona ne diyecek ? işin o tarafı da pek karışık çünkü Papa "yeryüzünde hâşâ Tanrı'nın elçisiyim, Primacy'yim" diyor... Patrik Bartolemeos da ona kızıyor... "Yok öyle şey" diyor. Bin yıldır anlaşamıyorlar. Bunlar bu yüzden onbirinci yüz yılda birbirlerini afaroz etmişlerdi. O aforoz 1964 yılında kalktı, Ben de oradaydım. Fener'deki aforoz kaldırma Âyini'ni gazeteci sıfatıyla izlemiştim**.** Sonra -Barışalım... dediler. Kırk yıl daha geçti yine barışamadılar...

Boşverin bu işleri   sayın din adamları, şu yaptığınız işlerin dinle, dindarlıkla ilgisi yok. Koca koca külahlar, süslü püslü   elbiseler giyip, renkli takılar takıp, sihirli buhurlar yakıp, acaip    sırlı kokular sürünüp, tapınakta arka arkaya,  yan yana veya  sıra sıra dizilip, boyalı tahta parçalarını, soğuk mermerleri    öpüp,  tabernekal   denen pazarcı  tezgahında  sözde Hazreti İsa'nın etini yiyip kanını içerek  yüzlerce yıldır    usanmadan Tanrıcılık oynuyorsunuz.   İnanca muhtaç saf insanlara  Ölümle ş****antaj yapıyorsunuz... Hiç utanmıyorsunuz. Firavun  Thoutmôsis'in ümmeti gibi Tanrı'ya inanmaksızın Tanrı'dan geçiniyorsunuz. Tanrı alıp   Tanrı satıyorsunuz. Kendi kendinize eğleniyorsunuz, sizi kenardan seyreden insancıklar da din budur diye mutlu oluyor,  göz yaşı döküyor...Olsun.. o gözyaşlarının hörmetine yine de yaptığınız soytarılıklara itiraz etmiyorum. Ancak  bu Din  ise, şu güzelim dünyayı ateş kan ve gaza boğanlarla uğraşın, cehennemin odunu, kömürü, doğal gazı, katalitiği    yok, herkes ateşini buradan götürüyor... Allahın elçisi hangisiyseniz konuşun O'nunla... Ola ki   frekansınız tutar. İşleri kafanıza göre büsbütün karıştırmayın, hayalî cennetler vaad etmek yerine yeryüzünü onarmaya bakın. Mostranızı   yaşarken görelim.

"bombe" 10.000 dollars

_silk_air.jpgSINGAPOUR (Reuters) - Un Australien de 65 ans a été condamné à une amende de 10.000 dollars australiens (6.423 dollars américains) par un tribunal de Singapour pour avoir prononcé le mot "bombe" dans un vol pour l'Indonésie, rapporte mercredi le Straits Times. Riccardo Paulin a plaidé coupable mardi des charges prononcées contre lui: avoir demandé à une hôtesse "Où met-on la bombe ?" sur un vol de la compagnie aérienne régionale Silk Air à destination de Surabaya, écrit le journal.

Le Straits Times précise que le retraité a posé cette question après avoir essayé de trouver une place dans les casiers à bagages.

Paulin a présenté ses excuses pour ses propos, soulignant qu'il s'agissait en fait d'une plaisanterie (Courtoisie Reuters)

Kabe'ye karşı çöğdürenler

Müslümanlığın bu şekli utanç vericidir. Eğer buna Müslümanlık deniyorsa ben Müslüman değilim. Müslüman'ın bir Kâbe'si vardır. Bir Kıble'si vardır, Bir mihrabı vardır. Bir yaşam biçimi vardır. Milyonla doları olmasa da garip ve hüzünlü bir kalbi vardır. Müslüman, çağın yaşanan rezilliklerinden rahatsız olur. Müslüman, Dünyada en son aç doymadan, kendisi doymaz. Müslüman, dünyada en son çıplak giyinmeden kendisi giyinmez. Dünyada en son huzursuz huzur bulmadan Müslüman rahata eremez... Bu din bin beş yüz yıl önce dünyaya gelmiş, dinlerin sonuncusu, kalp çırpıntılarının en muhteşemi, yaşam biçimlerinin en ulusu, Ruhsal sistemlerin en şereflisidir. Tanrı'nın insanlara son seslenişidir.

Hal böyleyken bazıları Kabe-i Muazzama'nın yanına muazzam bir kule dikmişler. Adını "zemzem tower" koymuşlar, şimdi birtakım yılışık zenginler bu kuleden daireler alıp, pencere kenarına çöküp Müslümanların **Kâbe'**sine karşı kıllı bacaklarını uzatıp keyif çatacaklar. Çaylarını yudumlayacaklar, dostlarını misafir edecekler, aşağıda   hacı adayları kaynaşırken bunlar yukarda bulutlara yakın bir yerde uzun oturacaklar. Hay adınız batsın...

Osmanlı mukaddes topraklara ve **"beytullah"**a altı asır sahip çıktı **Kabe'**nin yanına ondan yüksek bina yapmadı. Bu ne rezilliktir. Destur, Bu nasıl Müslümanlık ?

Kabe'nin yanında yükselecek "bilmemne" kulesinin sekenesi def-i hacette bulunurken acaba yüzlerini hangi istikamete çevirecekler ? İslâm terbiyesinin asırlarca en koyu yaşandığı makarr-ı Hilâfet İstanbul şehrinde, eskiden yapılan evlerde ayakyolu hiçbir devirde Kıble yönüne bakmadı. Son örnekleri zar zor ayakta durmaya çalışan eski İstanbul ahşap evlerinin    dikkat ediniz, hiç birinin tuvaleti   Mekke yönünde değildir. Bu medeniyetin kurucuları şimdi gidip **Mekke'**de Kabe'ye karşı kule yapıp içine apteshane koyuyorlar, acaba o apteshane nereye bakıyor...? Ruhları apteshane olmuş bahtsızların...

Kabe'ye karşı kule yapanların kulesi inşallah "ruz-u mahşerde" onbir eylül kuleleri gibi **"ground zero"**olacak. Rabbimden istediğim bu... Benim adımı terörist koyun...Tekrar ediyorum.   Siz buna Müslümanlık diyorsanız,   ben Müslüman değilim.

Bunlar Müslüman değil, Fahri Kainat'ın adını kullanan, Mevlânâ'nın deyişiyle bir alay samsalak tezek tüccarıdır. Hayta kılıklı yüzsüz bezirgandır. Kese zengini, ruh fukarâsı   donguz dangalak tayfası'dir.. Milletin parasını çalıp gece klüplerinde yiyen sergerde takımıdır. Kâbe'yi **Suudî'**lerin gece klübü zannettiler. Böyle Müslüman olamaz... Ey  zamanzede "kara para" hacıları...

Bir zaman, bir adam, bir şeyhe para getirmiş. Şeyh müritlerine demiş ki :" şu parayla saman alın, getirip ahırdaki eşeğin önüne koyun" Müritler söyleneni yapmışlar, eşek   önüne gelen samanı yememiş. Şeyh, para getiren adama dönmüş - gördün mü bak... ? senin paranla alınan samanı bizim eşek bile yemedi..." demiş.

Kara para ile saman alsanız eşekler yemez, siz o paralarla  Mekke'de "devre mülk" aldınız... Ama insaf ile hükmedilsin...Tabii ki allahüâlem hepinizin parası bu kadar kara değildir, ancak Kuleye çıkıp Kabe'ye karşı  çöğdürenin kalbi, o paradan da karadır... Emin olabilirsiniz...

Eşek Arıları saldırdı

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16 Kasım 2006
Bu yıl evinin bahçesinde ve bağda bulunan 160 kovana eşek arılarının saldırdığını vurgulayan Edip Tiftik, 100 kovandaki arıların itlaf edildiğini, ballarının da yine eşek arıları tarafından yendiğini ifade etti. Yaklaşık 45 bin YTL civarında zararının bulunduğunu kaydeden Edip Tiftik, eşek arılarıyla mücadele için İlçe Tarım Müdürlüğünden yardım talebinde bulunduğunu, ancak arıcılık konusunda uzmanın bulunmadığı için yardım alamadığını anlattı.      
"İLKEL YÖNTEMLE MÜCADELE"Kovanları saldırıya uğrayan üretici, eşek arılarıyla mücadele edebilmek için kendi bulduğu ilkel yöntemi uyguluyor. Şeffaf pet şişelerin içerisine et ve sıvılaştırılmış şeker koyup, kovanların bulunduğu bölgelere yerleştiren üretici Edip Tiftik, "Eşek arıları etin kokusuna ve şekere geliyorlar. Pet şişenin içerisine girip, tekrar çıkamadıkları için ölüyorlar" diye konuştu.
Yaptığı bu mücadelenin yetersiz kaldığını ifade eden Edip Tiftik, daha sonra şunları anlattı:
"Son iki yıldır eşek arıları kovanlarıma dadandı, büyük zararlar verdi. Son iki yılda 170 kovanımdaki arılar eşek arıları tarafından itlaf edildi. Eşek arıları uykuda bulunan kovan içerisindeki bal arılarını uyandırıyorlar. Bal arıları uykudayken savunmasız oluyor. Bal arılarının arka kısmını, balın bulunduğu bölümü ısırıp, alıyorlar. Kovandaki bal arılarını etkisiz hale getirdikten sonra da paketteki arıları yiyorlar.(Teşekkürler AA;Hürriyet)

Allowed to die (Ölüme terk etmek)

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**Some sick babies must be allowed to die, says Church

· Bishop admits right to life for newborns is not absolute  · Nuffield inquiry to publish guidelines on premature births

Amelia Hill and Jo Revill Sunday November 12, 2006 The Observer

Church of England leaders want doctors to be given the right to withhold treatment from seriously disabled newborn babies in exceptional circumstances. The move is expected to spark massive controversy.

The church leaders' call for some children to be allowed to die - overriding the presumption that life should be preserved at any cost - comes in response to an independent inquiry, which is to be published this week, into the ethics of resuscitating and treating extremely premature babies.

The decision by religious leaders to accept that in some rare cases it may be better to end life than to artificially prolong it is a landmark for the church. The Rt Rev Tom Butler, Bishop of Southwark and vice chair of public affairs of the

Mission and Public Affairs Council, states in the church's submission to the inquiry, that 'it may in some circumstances be right to choose to withhold or withdraw treatment, knowing it will possibly, probably, or even certainly result in death'.

The church's report does not spell out which medical conditions might justify a decision to allow babies to die but they are likely to be those agonising dilemmas such as the one faced by the parents of Charlotte Wyatt, who was born three months prematurely, weighing only 1lb and with severe brain and lung damage.

The report also suggests the enormous cost implications to the NHS of keeping very premature and sick babies alive with invasive medical care and the burden on the parents should also be taken into consideration.

Doctors wanted to switch off Charlotte's life support machine because they said her severe mental and physical handicaps left her in constant pain with an 'intolerable' quality of life. They pointed out that every time she had an infection, staff would have to give injections or set up drips that caused yet more pain.

After the case went through the courts, the child, now three, survived but with severe disabilities. She is now in care as her estranged parents found it too hard to meet her 24-hour healthcare needs.

The church's call comes in their submission to the Nuffield Council on Bioethics, an independent body that publishes guidelines on how doctors should deal with ethical issues. The council set up the inquiry nearly two years ago in order to consider the implications of advances which enable babies to be born halfway through pregnancy and kept alive.

Their statement comes the week after one of Britain's royal medical colleges called for a public discussion over whether to permit the euthanasia of the sickest babies. The proposal from Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists was welcomed by geneticists and medical ethicists, but described it as social engineering by others.

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In its submission, the Church of England said that although it could not accept the argument that the life of any baby was not worth living, there are 'strong proportionate reasons' for 'overriding the presupposition that life should be maintained'. 'There may be occasions where, for a Christian, compassion will override the "rule" that life should inevitably be preserved,' wrote Butler. 'Disproportionate treatment for the sake of prolonging life is an example of this.'

The church states that it would support the withdrawal of treatment only if all reasonable alternatives had been fully considered 'so that the possibly lethal act would only be performed with manifest reluctance'.

But it accepted there were a range of reasons why the final decision to withdraw or refuse treatment should be made, including the question of cost. 'Great caution should be exercised in bringing questions of cost into the equation when considering what treatment might be provided,' wrote Butler. 'The principle of justice inevitably means that the potential cost of treatment itself, the longer term costs of healthcare and education and opportunity cost to the NHS in terms of saving other lives have to be considered.'

Very premature babies run a higher risk of brain damage and disability. If they are born at 22 weeks, 98 per cent of them die, though by 26 weeks the chances of survival has risen to 80 per cent. Different counties have different policies for very tiny infants.

Babies born before 25 weeks are not given medical treatment in the Netherlands and in certain conditions, euthanasia is permitted.

When the Nuffield Council produces its long-awaited report on Thursday, it is expected to reject a Dutch-style limit, with hospitals required to let a baby below a certain age die, arguing that even two infants born at exactly the same age can vary widely. Instead, they are likely to call for much clearer guidelines to doctors about the issues of viability.

Parents of very premature infants will also be asked to start talking to doctors at a much earlier stage about the likely health outcome of their babies, so that they can be prepared for the worst.

The church's submission counsels parents against expecting too much from medics, and asks doctors to refrain from giving parents false hope. 'The principle of humility asks that members of the medical profession restrain themselves from claiming greater powers to heal than they can deliver,' it said.(Courtesy Observer)**

Gediz'de Turplar devleşti

Mehmet ALTINTAŞ/GEDİZ (Kütahya), (DHA)

Kütahya'nın Gediz İlçesi'nde çiftçilikle geçimini sağlayan Hikmet ve Saide Altıntaş çifti, yetiştirdikleri kırmızı turpların her geçen yıl devleştiğini görünce şaşırdı.

İlçeye bağlı Dörtdeğirmen Köyü'nde 11 yıl önce kırmızı turp yetiştiriciliğine başladıklarını söyleyen Hikmet Altıntaş, bu cinsin klasik turplara göre daha küçük olduğunu ve en fazla elma büyüklüğüne erişebildiğini hatırlattı. Altıntaş, ilk yıllarda kendi yetiştirdikleri turpların da normal büyüklükte olduğunu, ancak her yıl daha da büyüyerek tanesinin 3 kilograma kadar çıktığını söyledi.

Yıllık 2 ton olan üretiminin turpların devleşmesiyle 6 tona ulaştığını belirten Hikmet Altıntaş, "Yetiştirmede hiçbir değişiklik yapmadığımız halde turpların normalden çok fazla gelişmesine hala şaşırıyorum. Yakınımızdaki Murat Dağı'ndan doğan Gediz Nehri'nden suladığımız için aşırı geliştiklerine inanıyorum. Çünkü Murat Dağı Kaplıcası'ndaki yaylalardan akan suların şifa dağıttığını herkes biliyor. Buradan geçen bu şifalı sular, atıklarla kirlenmeden bize ulaşıyor ve ürünlerimizde doping etkisi yapıyor" diye konuştu.(Teşekkürler Mehmet Altıntaş:DHA: Sabah)

War Against the People (Halklara Karşı Savaş)

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The "War against Terror" is a War against the People by Silvia Cattori*            
In this interview recorded by Swiss journalist Silvia Cattori in November 2005 - more than six months before the war launched against Lebanon by Israeli army in summer 2006 - Youssef Aschkar was warning that the destabilization of Lebanon, Syria and Iran was under way, and that Lebanon was the country most threatened and most vulnerable to the Israeli menace. In the light of the recent developments in the region, the accuracy of his analysis appears impressive and almost prophetic.

              
What are the source and inspirations of the "war on terror" conducted by Washington? Did they begin in 2001 after the attacks of September 11, or was it already in the making earlier than that? For Lebanese political expert Youssef Aschkar  [1], the policy being pursued by the United States in the Middle East is nothing but the application on a larger scale of what Israel has been practicing in Palestine since the 1990s: a war carried out against the people, dismantling societies in order to dominate or eliminate the people. Responding to questions from Silvia Cattori, Mr. Aschkar offers us his point of view on the development of this strategy, and its immediate threat to Lebanon, Syria, and Iran.
Silvia Cattori: We would like to hear your analysis of the regional geopolitical context and its implications for Lebanon, a country which suffered enormously during the fifteen years of its military occupation by Israel. Do you consider Israel, which is carrying out a policy of aggression towards its neighbours, the principal source of the wars in the region?
Youssef Aschkar: Since its creation, Israel has not only been the source of the wars in the Middle East, but it has always acted to turn the Middle East into a catalyst of war(s) for the whole world. War has always been its leitmotif. But by itself the phenomenon of war, both as policy and as act of aggression and violence, does not suffice to explain the distinctive features of the war that Israel is waging and is seeking to propagate, indeed to spread worldwide. The warmongering of Israel does not in itself explain all of Israel's conduct and motivations. Israel is waging a particular type of war in the Middle East, a war which has its own doctrine and which is the principal source of the evils that we are witnessing. This doctrine consists, firstly, in making war not solely upon states but also upon societies, and, secondly, in turning "terrorism" and the war against it into Israel's main weapon.
Silvia Cattori: Could you explain what you mean by "war against society"?
Youssef Aschkar: After the victory won against the Arab countries in 1967, Israel judged that these states - beaten, humiliated, and resigned - no longer presented a danger. It was their peoples alone who still constituted an obstacle to Israel's plans for expansion. So it was necessary to wage a direct war against these peoples. Israel has never hidden its intentions. In a document entitled, "A Strategy for Israel in the Nineteen Eighties", published in February 1982 by the "World Zionist Organization" in Jerusalem, there was a detailed plan for the operations to be carried out against each of the peoples of the region.
The internal struggles and wars that the Middle East has known in recent decades fall within the context of this doctrine of warmongering. The war waged by Israel against Lebanon showed this well, but the agony of the Palestinian people remains the clearest example of this policy of constant and methodical ethnic cleansing which Israel is carrying out against peoples. The war currently being waged in Iraq by the United States is unfolding according to this same doctrine of the destruction of peoples long advocated by Israel.
As for the terrorism of which this state is perpetually claiming to be a victim, it has always been nourished, manipulated, and put into practice by all of the Israeli administrations that have succeeded each other. Terrorism has always been its principal weapon, and became its strategic weapon once the "terrorist doctrine" had been made official in 1996.
Silvia Cattori: Was this doctrine inscribed into what was called, during those years, the "peace process"?
Youssef Aschkar: Exactly. At Madrid and Oslo, there had been discussion of a "peace which would ensure security." But at the summit of Charm el-Sheikh in 1996, they spoke of a "security that would ensure peace." It is there that the terrorist doctrine of the "war against terrorism" was born. Since then, it is this new strategy that has imposed itself and changed the whole psychological and geopolitical climate, in the region and in the whole world. This so-called war "against terrorism" has shown itself to be much worse than a simple war of occupation.
The heads of the Arab states have found themselves forced to wage this war against liberation movements, which are labelled "terrorist organizations" in accordance with the formula adopted by Israel and the United States. What's more, the Arab states themselves were labelled as "sources of terrorism", and threatened with wars in the future.
Silvia Cattori: So the situation has been reversed? They are once more attacking the victims for Israel's profit?
Youssef Aschkar: Yes, exactly. In basing itself on this doctrine of war against "terrorism", Israel has taken up again its image as a victim of aggression. The Arab states remain on the defensive, charged with ensuring "the security of Israel" as a preliminary condition for any "peace negotiation." It is a never-ending litany invented not just to deny them peace, but to favour terrorism in this so-called "war against terrorism."
The gravest element in this radical change is the fact that the United States has also adopted this war doctrine of Israel's. Once the Charm el-Sheikh summit was over, President Clinton and his advisors flew off to Israel. Israeli-American teams worked for three days to draw up plans that would put this new doctrine into practice.
A very significant sign is this: between 1996 and September 11, 2001, the culture of hate and fear was spread to the United States by the publication of thousands of books and articles on the subject of terrorism. From that time onward, "Islamic terrorism" became the new Evil Empire, the subject of all public discussion. The vision of a war against "terrorism", which itself would inevitably spawn terrorism, had already invaded the world and raised itself to the level of a universal charter.
Silvia Cattori: So you believe that the starting point for the war against "terrorism" was not September 2001, but that it had already been built into the "peace process", which in fact turned out to be a "war process"?
Youssef Aschkar: Precisely. The so-called "peace process", which came out of the talks at Madrid and Oslo, was simply the putting into practice of the war doctrine formulated by Aba Eban in 1967-68 and adopted by Israel.
"Make Peace with States, Make War against the People"  [2] is the title of an essay on this war doctrine that I presented at a colloquium at the University of Bordeaux. There I analyzed the principles of the foreign policy, or rather the global strategy that Aba Eban had spelt out in the 1970s. These principles were taken up again by Mr. Shimon Peres and Mr. Yitzhak Rabin in the 1990s and presented in the form of a "peace doctrine", though the doctrine remained what it had always been, a "war doctrine" thought up to be applied against their Arab neighbours and, at the same time, to be exported. As for this alleged "terrorism", Israel has always labelled the Palestinians as "terrorists", even well before the doctrine of the "war against terrorism" was adopted officially in 1996. Therefore September 11, 2001, represented nothing but a success for this doctrine and a new point of departure.
Silvia Cattori: So we are not talking about a colonial war?
Youssef Aschkar: No, this is not a colonial war. It is a war for the destruction of societies, a war which destroys the life of peoples. The occupation, as such, is the least of the evils. In a colonial war, it is in the interest of the colonizer that there continues to be a people to exploit. But for the Israeli occupier, the objective is to eliminate the people. It's completely different from a colonial war! A colonial war normally means the occupation of the land and not - as we see in Palestine - the ethnic cleansing of a people. We have to stop seeing it as a simple occupation, because in Palestine the Israeli occupier is committing ethnic cleansing. It is urgent that this is exposed, and that the murderers perpetrating this crime are forced to stop.
Silvia Cattori: During the years when the so-called "peace" process was keeping all the diplomats and summits busy, did you have a feeling that Mr. Yasser Arafat was leading his people down a dead-end, and that Israel would profit from it in order to consolidate its gains?
Youssef Aschkar: Yes, that was clear. Mr. Yasser Arafat was a traditional leader who was called upon to face an exceptional situation. Faced with a strategy which effectively undermined the foundations of life in Palestinian society, he pursued the policy of a politician, a policy more concerned with laying the foundations of the Palestinian Authority than with defending the interests of his people.
At the very moment when Mr. Yasser Arafat was negotiating with Israel the setting up of the Palestinian Authority on a small portion of Palestinian territory, this same territory was being divided up: the colonies were multiplying, and the roads for exclusive Israeli use which crisscrossed the territory were designed to render any authority powerless to ensure the survival of the Palestinians.
Silvia Cattori: How can we explain, then, the submission of many Arab leaders to the wishes of the United States, whose objective is to weaken them in order to better strengthen the position of Israel and that of America?
Youssef Aschkar: The submission of the majority of Arab leaders is nothing new. They have always counted on an external power - or on the global balance of power - to consolidate their own power, and consequently they have always been insensitive to the expectations of their peoples. Lacking popular support, they have always sought to reconcile their own interests with the interests of the influential states, considering their submission to these states as a safeguard that these states would protect them and maintain them in power.
After the fall of the Soviet Union, almost all the Arab leaders submitted to the United States. And this for two reasons: for lack of an external alternative, and because of rising internal pressures. Sort of like fleeing forward. But this flight cannot last forever, since in the present context their submission does not truly protect them any longer. That is because the role of the United States in the world, and notably in our region, has changed. Firstly, the United States no longer limits itself to ensuring the security of Israel, but now considers itself responsible for carrying out Israel's plans. Secondly, the conventional interests of the United States no longer serve as a criterion making U.S. policy understandable. That is because the power of the neoconservatives - who constitute a state within a state - follows interests that are fundamentally divergent, if not opposed.
Silvia Cattori: Has this essential change escaped the Arab leaders allied with the United States?
Youssef Aschkar: Yes, it has escaped them. They continue to present themselves as guarantors of stability, even while the plans of Israel backed by the United States have no other aim than to destabilize the region. They feel themselves more and more disoriented. But they will never come out of it until they realize that resistance is more profitable than submission, and also that submission is costlier than resistance, whatever the sacrifices that resistance might entail.
Silvia Cattori: For the Arab leaders, isn't it an insane policy for them to act as though they didn't know what the whole world knows - that is, that the United States and Israel want to weaken them and keep them from living in peace - and instead go on making up with them?
Youssef Aschkar: The Arab leaders are hypocrites. They pretend not to see certain signs; they refuse to recognize that it is useless, indeed dangerous, to make up with the United States and Israel. If they had any illusions before the Madrid and Oslo conferences, the experience of the last ten years should have opened their eyes. And the war against Iraq, which laid bare the nature of the threat, should have set the alarm bells ringing. That said, I do not think that everyone knows what is truly going on in Palestine or Iraq, or what is being prepared against Lebanon, Syria, and other countries of the Middle East. The doctrine of "Israeli war" - which, I repeat, consists in destroying societies and not simply dominating them - always escapes the understanding of political leaders and political experts in general.
How many leaders in the world know, or recognize, that what Israel is doing in Palestine - under the pretext of so-called "security" operations - is systematic ethnic cleansing? Or that the war that the United States is waging in Iraq is methodically destroying the life of the Iraqi people? Or that the Middle East is presently an experimental plot for "creative chaos", a monstrous mechanism of planetary suicide?
Silvia Cattori: For Israel and the United States, doesn't it become easier to destroy the Palestinian and Iraqi peoples when states such as Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia compromise with them?
Youssef Aschkar: In fact, the Arab states take part in this destruction, since they accept this state of affairs, in the meantime providing the illusion that one day there will be some kind of peace, or some kind of Palestinian state. No Arab leader has ever acknowledged that there is ethnic cleansing going on in Palestine since 1948.
Silvia Cattori: So, according to you, the expansion of the war that we are seeing now was planned well in advance, and might have been exposed or opposed by these states?
Youssef Aschkar: I worked on this question from 1996 to 2001. I reached the conclusion that the authorities in the United States were waiting for some big incident. They were doing nothing to stop it, but instead were getting everything ready in order to be able to exploit it afterwards. That is the subject of my book, which was at the printers when the attacks of September 11 took place.
Silvia Cattori: In 1990 - when Bush Senior, wishing to convince the world that his Gulf War was justified, let it be understood that the war would also, once Saddam Hussein had been overthrown, permit the setting up of a "new world order" and the concluding of a peace in Palestine - did you have a foreboding that these were simply hollow words, that once this logic of war had been endorsed no one would be able to stop it, and that the Arab countries participating in it would go forward toward disaster?
Youssef Aschkar: The Arab states were forced to follow that machination. Besides, at that time the United States had not yet shown all its cards. It had talked about a war that would force Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait. But the Americans had not spoken of sanctions. Now, this war was designed so that matters would not end there, but that the war would be followed by sanctions and new wars. By sanctions which, between 1990 and 2001, killed almost a million Iraqi children and caused physical and psychological after-effects in other four or five million children. An entire society was destroyed, and came out of it very badly.
Silvia Cattori: In that context, did the destabilization of Lebanon and Syria that was provoked by the assassination of Hariri serve the interests of those whose goal is to continue the war against other peoples?
Youssef Aschkar: What is taking place in Syria and Lebanon is closely linked to what is going on in Iraq. There are two strategies at work in Iraq. There is the official American strategy, which is perhaps an imperial strategy for the domination and control of natural resources. And there is another strategy, which is the strategy of the gang of monsters who are called "neoconservatives", who dictate their plans to the Pentagon and to the State Department. This "gang" (Richard Perle, Paul Wolfowitz, and Douglas J. Feith, among others) have their own plan; they are the ones who have advocated destroying not only the state of Iraq, but the whole of Iraqi society. The entire network that the neocons control circumvents the generals of the Pentagon, and circumvents American military command. It has infiltrated itself into all the high offices of the United States, and has infiltrated itself also into society, into the American media, and into religious organizations. It is a state within a state.
This was shown clearly during the scandal of the torture at Abu Ghraib prison. The General who was in command of the prisons came out of her office one day and was stunned: "But who are these people going around in the hallways?" Her bodyguard replied to her, "These are the men who carry out the interrogations." This General, in charge of the prisons, knew nothing about any of this.
Silvia Cattori: Does that mean that whenever the neo-conservatives consider themselves to have achieved an objective, this success of theirs might in fact represent a defeat for the troops of the American army?
Youssef Aschkar: Exactly. That's because there are two plans at work. There is the official plan of an army of occupation that might withdraw, boost its forces, or find itself cornered. And then there is the plan of the neocons, who dictate their own strategy to the American army, who have 45,000 mercenaries at their disposal, and who have more clout than even the American army. These neocons, in fact, are satisfied, and see their mission in Iraq as accomplished, since they judge that they have attained all the goals for the war that they had assigned to their forces: dragging all of Iraqi society into an impasse from which it can never escape, and replacing a centralized dictatorship with a multitude of totalitarian religious communities that will be in permanent conflict among themselves. So they feel ready to move on to the destabilization of Lebanon, Syria, and Iran.
Silvia Cattori: Yet some analysts believe that America cannot wage two wars at the same time, that the U.S. is unable to venture elsewhere while its army is tied down in Iraq.
Youssef Aschkar: The neocons don't care about any of that: their plan was to destroy Iraqi society and nothing was able to stop them. They will take hold of some other formula in order to find fault with Syria or Iran. What is going on is extremely serious. Perhaps someone will say to me, "But that's a nightmare! You're just imagining these things!" I say, let us carry out an investigation to see whether what I am saying about them is true or not.
Silvia Cattori: An investigation on what, exactly?
Youssef Aschkar: On the neocons who rule the Pentagon and are the cause of so many humanitarian disasters! On what really happened on September 11, 2001! On who is really running the war in Iraq! Is it Mr. Bush, or is it these monsters at the Pentagon who use mercenaries to carry out secret operations in the Middle East?
Silvia Cattori: Do you think that the prosecutors who are holding an inquiry on the assassination of former Prime Minister Hariri, for instance, will be unable to establish the truth?
Youssef Aschkar: It is the resistance that should carry out this inquest. I call for the setting up of a "resistance inquiry". Before September 2001, it was not possible to investigate and stop the neocons because their names were not known. Now, nothing can stop them because their machine is already in motion, but at least we can hold an inquiry on their crimes and indicate them by name.
Silvia Cattori: The French government was clearly opposed to the intervention of Bush and Blair in Iraq. Does its recent realignment surprise you?
Youssef Aschkar: France's position on Iraq raised great hopes in the Middle East, when it opposed the folly of the American neocons. By dissociating itself from the U.S., France had everything to gain on the domestic level, the European level, and the world level.
Unfortunately, its position has changed since June 2004. In that month four decisive events took place: the transatlantic summit between Europe and the U.S., the NATO summit in Istanbul, the G8 at Evian, and the famous meeting at the United Nations. At these four meetings the U.S. succeeded in imposing its logic of war. Mr. Chirac and his team did not present any vision that would be suited to the interests of France, Europe, and the world. France stood aside to give way to the mere search for a "reconciliation" with the United States.
It is France that took it upon itself to prepare Resolution 1559. France gave the illusion of having become a "partner" in the plan for the region and a major actor on the Lebanese scene. But in reality, once the resolution had been submitted, France became nothing but a pawn on the chessboard of the neocons, whose plan is clear: to exploit in order to destabilize, and not just Syria and Iran, but first of all Lebanon.
The French leaders gave way to the vision of the neocons. They committed an error of judgment. If they hadn't lapsed into opportunism, they would have been able to stand firm and obtain more. In 2003, France was the winner in London when Mr.Dominique de Villepin , in his historic address on the world situation, presented a vision based on true political will and which resisted the monsters of the Pentagon. Whereas, now, France is losing on all levels.
In situations that are exceptional, miserly conventional calculations do not pay. Clearly Mr. Chirac agreed, on the moral level, to damage the image of France, and, on the ethical and functional level, to entrust to France the dirty role of destabilizing the region, particularly Lebanon, and of tricking the Lebanese about their future.
I would like to pose, here, some questions for Mr. Chirac. What is his plan for this region? What control is he able to exercise over the American project that is already in place? Does he think that France and Europe come out winners by associating themselves with this project of destabilization, or rather of setting the region on fire?
Silvia Cattori: So, in your view, France is now completely on board with the anti-Arab policy of Mr. Bush and Blair?
Youssef Aschkar: France abandoned its position of strength; it renounced its special role which consisted in opening up a new path with the Third World, both for France and for Europe. The Third World ought to be France's natural partner, in the spirit of a mutually favourable and humane partnership. To be credible, that spirit would have to manifest itself not just in relations within Europe, but also with respect to the outside world, particularly the Third World. Unfortunately, France decided not simply to align itself with the United States, but also to sign on to the war doctrine of the neocons. This positioning won for France nothing but a background role and isolation. This isolation comes out on three levels: that of Jacques Chirac within France, that of France within Europe, and that of Europe in the world. A great hope has evaporated, leaving the world in the hands of the new order of fear and hatred.
Silvia Cattori: So are the people of the world in the hands of irresponsible leaders who no longer control anything?
Youssef Aschkar: It is not that simple with political leaders, even if usually they do show themselves guilty of irresponsibility, opportunism, and lying. The core of the problem lies elsewhere: finding out who holds true power. In the "new world order", this power is in the process of shifting from the territorial authority of states to the uncontrolled authority of a line of new masters. I am not talking about the multinational corporations, the transnational financial institutions, and the process of economic privatization. The new masters are of a different kind: they are connected to the monstrous team of the neocons, who act in all four corners of the globe by means of their networks and their mercenaries. The economic sphere is in full submission to their project. Privatization is nothing more than a simple economic measure, mainly an ideology which consists in privatizing and monopolizing the public space - especially politics and security - in order to exploit the other sectors. It is nothing less than a monstrous planet-wide coup d'état.
The political leaders more and more end up overwhelmed and manipulated. They suffer less from personal incompetence and technical clumsiness than from a lack of vision or moral worth: they are as cowardly as they are ignorant, not seeing, or not wanting to see, the new reality.
Our authorities do not want to respond to this challenge, at least as long as they are not subject to public pressure which would force them to change tack. So our mission ought to be to provoke an awakening of the public which would force a change in policy. This public pressure would have to be stronger and more convincing than the pressure that our authorities currently receive from the United States.
Silvia Cattori: In Lebanon, does the public suspect that perhaps, since the assassination of Hariri, they are the target of manoeuvring not by Arabs but by Westerners?
Youssef Aschkar: The Lebanese are very troubled about their future. But the daily manipulation carried out by the networks of saboteurs acting in secret often prevents them from seeing clearly. I believe a large part of the Lebanese people is conscious of these criminal manoeuvres, but they are neither unified nor prepared to respond to these manipulations in an effective manner, whereas those doing the manoeuvring are able to exploit all the weaknesses of the partisan politics which are traditional in Lebanon, and take advantage of the confessional differences to divide the people. The fact that Lebanon is composed of different communities, which those doing the manoeuvring take advantage of, deprives the citizens of their common and rational landmarks, all the more so because the plans of those who would destabilize the society are meticulously prepared.
We have before us a great task of awareness-raising if we want to prevent the situation from worsening and becoming irreversible. Time is short.
Silvia Cattori: Is it possible that Western intelligence agencies may have financed those who carried out the assassination of Hariri? But to what end? To make Lebanese society explode?
Youssef Aschkar: Without a doubt: infiltration is not just a weapon but an entire strategy. It is the intelligence agencies' stock in trade. These agencies have an unrivalled ability to create unlikely scenarios and exploit them to the full. Making Lebanese society explodes forms part of their principal plan. As for their timetable, that remains unclear. Our immediate task is to act in time in order to thwart their terrifying plan.
Silvia Cattori: So you are very anxious about the future?
Youssef Aschkar: If events continue along their present course, then it will be terribly serious. All the direct neighbours of Israel, and this entire region that is considered a "vital space" by Israel, are directly menaced by Israel, and are being subjected to destabilization.
In the strategic and geopolitical context of the "Greater Middle East and North Africa", the stakes have been set by the Israelis and Americans. Pressure is being exerted on all fronts and in all directions. The pressure is being exerted very openly against Iran and Syria, but in a camouflaged fashion against Lebanon. And that leaves Lebanon hanging in suspense, divided between those who spin for themselves illusions regarding democracy, freedom, and prosperity - the poisoned bait offered by the Israelis and the Americans - and those who have no illusions about their intentions.
Lebanon is at one and the same time the country most threatened and the country most vulnerable. The Lebanese Christians, some of whom imagine themselves to represent a safeguard that shelters Lebanon from the Israeli menace, are in fact the prime target of Israel's plans.
Silvia Cattori: Does it surprise you to see that in the West - under the influence of the propagandists of the "clash of civilizations", who use the mainstream media as their soapbox - the public has for the most part accepted the idea that believers in Islam are "fanatics" and "terrorists"?
Youssef Aschkar: The propaganda agencies of the neocons succeed very well in manipulating the facts and the media, and by this means they are able, unfortunately, to trick most people and to disorient even progressives. They work to discredit Muslims on the one hand by manipulating and financing the mercenaries who carry out terrorist attacks, which subsequently get blamed on the resistance, and on the other hand by triggering a process of fanaticization. The latter method consists in creating situations of conflict by means of provocations of a religious character, conflicts which mix up the reference points, provoke demonstrations, and discredit Islam (This interview took place before the affair of the Danish cartoons broke out).
Led into error by these repeated provocations, the progressives end up disoriented: as humanists they cannot defend acts of violence, but as secularists they cannot tolerate fanaticism. So those progressives who are not conscious of the manipulation carried out by the neocons find themselves caught up in pointless disputes.
In fact, the attacks that generate numerous civilian victims are remote-controlled by this gang in the Pentagon, who, by means of their networks, create and finance phantom organizations that terrorize each side in the name of the other side.
I should point out here that the ideology of the neocons, such as we see it played out on the ground, is the first and only ideology in history that seeks to produce opponents rather than adherents, leaving to its opponents the job of supplying it with its adherents.
Let me explain. This ideology works to produce opponents by pushing them towards fanaticism in such a way as to stir up and nourish every fanaticism on earth, including Muslim and Arab fanaticism, and this enables Muslims to be given a very negative image, so that in the end - and this is the goal - hostile reactions are produced towards Muslims. Even staunchly secular people, on both sides, will imperceptibly find themselves led to question their own secularity, and to see in "the Other" someone who cannot be lived with. That is what is going on now, and what is in the process of destabilizing Europe, of causing a cleavage between the two shores of the Mediterranean basin, and of sabotaging and wrecking the Barcelona projects for a Mediterranean partnership.
If this cleavage worsens, voices will be heard - even in Europe - calling for people to sign on to the neocons' doctrines of "war against terrorism" and "Muslim fanaticism". Only at that point will the neocon ideology have accomplished its mission: having helped to provoke the growth of fanaticism among Muslims, it will also have stirred up in the West, in return, adherents to its thesis of a "clash of civilizations". And Europe, stubborn up to that point, will finally align itself with the ideology of the neocons. Progressives and politicians in general are unaware of these manoeuvres.
Silvia Cattori: What can be done in time in order to change this tragic course of events?
Youssef Aschkar: Any effort must begin by creating an awareness of the realities carefully camouflaged by this web of lies which is working to twist the critical faculties of the entire human race. Only a "global inquiry" can respond to this global threat and lay bare the manoeuvrings that sustain it. The awareness must come about on two levels: on the level of states and on the level of individual citizens. This "global inquiry" must be started with all urgency; it ought to become both the highest priority action of the resistance and also the unifying factor of the resistance. All the resisters and militants in the world must unite, and must oppose, in advance of everything else, this global war, whatever may be the particular causes that they are defending or the particular misfortunes they are suffering from and fighting against. That is because this war aggravates all of their particular misfortunes, and renders the struggle of peoples under occupation that much more difficult. "Axis for Peace" came together with that idea in November 2005 for a conference in Brussels. The participants, who are fighting for different causes, realized how the theme of this conference unified them. We must make it our very first priority to do battle against this war that attacks societies, because that will aid the cause common to all of us and serve equally to alert governments as to the significance of this war that will certainly affect them sooner or later. To the extent that this threat is not grasped and considered the highest priority by popular forces, governments will persist in going in directions that are inappropriate for facing this exceptional threat.
Silvia Cattori: Isn't that a profoundly depressing picture that you are painting for the peoples of the Middle East, indeed for all of us?
Youssef Aschkar: Certainly. If things do not change radically, I would be extremely pessimistic. We are talking about, in the Middle East, an existential threat of which public opinion is not fully aware, but also of a global threat about which the peoples and states of the world - especially the major powers - are not adequately alarmed. But optimism or pessimism will depend on our future action. Everything will depend on whether something gets done in time, and on whether the resistance can unite and focus its efforts on the right target. United forces, of people engaged in action, are humanly superior to the forces of the monsters of the Pentagon, no matter how huge their material and logistical means may be.
 Silvia Cattori Swiss journalist.          
(Courtesy Silvia Cattori-Reseau Voltaire)

Halklara Karşı Savaş

yusuf-askar.jpgİsrail**,** çevresindeki devletleri politik sindirmeyle dize getirdikten sonra henüz alt edemediği halklara saldırıyor. Bu politika Siyonistler tarafından bir siyasi doktrin olarak bir süre önce ortaya atıldı ve 11 eylülden sonra adı "terörizme karşı savaş" olarak belirlendi**. İngilizce** ve Fransızca aslını verdiğim reportaj**'**da Lübnan'da yetişmiş değerli bir siyaset bilimci ve Laik bir Parti'nin eski lideri Yusuf Aşkar bunları söylüyor.

Röportajı yapan İsviçreli Gazeteci soruyor - Bu savaş bir "sömürge" savaşı mıdır ? - Hayır diyor Yusuf Aşkar, eski sömürge savaşlarında sömürgeciler sömürülecek halklar ortadan kalkmasın diye onlara doğrudan saldırmazlardı, böyle bir siyaset çıkarlarına aykırıydı, ama bu savaş halkı yok etme savaşıdır. İmha savaşıdır. Soykırımdır.Bu savaş sömürge savaşlarına benzemiyor...

Evet dostlar ! Birleşik Amerika'nın Afganistan, Irak ve dolaylı Lübnan savaşları eski sömürge savaşlarının yanında futbol maçı gibi kalır. Haçlı seferleri dahi bu kadar azgın değildi. Biz baştan bunu haçlı seferine benzetmiştik. Hayır ! Daha da ileri. Dört yüz yıl önce İspanyol haydutların Kuzey Güney Amerika toprağında yerli Kızılderili'leri yok etmelerine benziyor. Siyonist Yahudiler Arapları,   Amerikalı Neo-conlar Müslümanları yok etmeye karar vermiştir. Bu olay tarihlere ibretle yazılacak bir   siyasî tablodur.

Bunun yanında geliştirilmeye çalışılan "küresel barış" veya "medeniyetler diyaloğu" gibi saftirik politikalar yangına bir bardak su dökmektir. Yusuf Aşkar diyor ki :" önce tesbiti tam yapalım, halk baskısı doğarsa belki facia önlenir..."

Yusuf Aşkar'ın analizleri   arasında bir nokta özellikle dikkat çekiyor. Aşkar diyor ki: " Çağın süper gücü Amerika'nın politik yapısında "devlet içinde devlet" karakteri taşıyan "Neoconservative:Yeni muhafazakârlar" var. Bunların arasında "finans  çatışması" başladı, bu bir ümittir.

Aşkarı ümide boğan bu çatlak acaba Demokratların yükselmesi ile artacak mı ? eksilecek mi ? Şimdilik haber yok. Yaşamını savaş endüstrisine bağlamış Amerika'nın Irak ve Lübnan'dan çekilmesi zordur. Demokratlar çekilelim diyorlar, bence yalan, daha da ileri gidecekler. Suriye ve İran topun ağzında   Bu devletin gözü döndü,  dünyayı da peşinden sürükleyerek intihar ediyor... Tarihte örneği çok görüldüğü gibi. Rabbim insanoğlunu   korusun.

Guerre contre peuples (Halklara Karşı Savaş)

yusuf-askar.jpg

La  «  guerre contre le terrorisme   » est une guerre contre les peuples

17 mars 2006

par Sylvia

Quelles sont les sources et les inspirations de la  «  guerre au terrorisme   » mise en place par Washington  ? A-t-elle commencé en 2001 après les attentats du 11 septembre ou bien était-elle en germe auparavant  ? Pour le politologue libanais Youssef Aschkar, la politique menée actuellement par les États-Unis au Proche-Orient n'est que l'application à plus grande échelle de ce qu'Israël pratique en Palestine depuis les années 90  : une guerre menée contre les peuples, déstructurant les sociétés pour mieux dominer ou éliminer des populations. Répondant aux questions de Silvia Cattori, M.  Aschkar nous livre son point de vue sur le développement de cette stratégie, sur la menace immédiate qu'elle fait peser sur le Liban, la Syrie et l'Iran.

16 mars 2006

Ancien président du Parti laïque et social du Liban, est historien et anthropologue libanais.   : Nous aimerions connaître votre analyse du contexte géopolitique régional et ses implications sur le Liban, pays qui a énormément souffert durant les quinze années sous occupation militaire israélienne. Israël, qui mène une politique d'agression à l'égard de ses voisins est-il considéré par vous comme le principal foyer des guerres dans la région  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Depuis sa création, Israël n'a pas seulement été le foyer des guerres au Moyen-Orient. Il a toujours agi pour faire du Moyen-Orient un foyer de guerre(s) dans le monde. La guerre est son fil conducteur. Mais le phénomène de la guerre, en soi, en tant que politique et acte d'agression et de violence, ne suffit pas à expliquer les particularités de la guerre qu'Israël mène et cherche à propager, voire à mondialiser. Le bellicisme d'Israël, en soi, n'explique pas tout sur sa conduite et ses motivations. Israël mène une guerre particulière au Moyen-Orient. Une guerre qui a sa propre doctrine et qui est la source principale des maux que nous connaissons. Cette doctrine consiste, premièrement, à faire la guerre contre les sociétés et pas seulement contre les États  ; deuxièmement, à faire du  «  terrorisme   », et de la guerre contre celui-ci, son arme principale.

S.C.- Pouvez-vous expliciter ce que vous entendez par  «  guerre contre la société   »  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Après la victoire remportée lors de la guerre de 1967 contre les pays arabes, Israël a considéré que ces États, vaincus, humiliés, résignés, ne présentaient plus de danger. Seuls les peuples faisaient encore obstacle à ses projets d'expansion. Donc, il fallait mener une guerre directe contre ces peuples. Israël n'a jamais caché ses intentions. Dans un document intitulé  «  Stratégie d'Israël dans les années 80   », publié en février 1982 par l' «  Organisation Sioniste Mondiale   » à Jérusalem, il y avait un plan détaillé des opérations à mener contre chacun des peuples de la région.

Les déchirements et les guerres qu'a connus le Moyen-Orient, durant les dernières décennies, se sont inscrits dans le contexte de cette doctrine belliciste. La guerre menée par Israël contre le Liban l'a bien montré. Mais l'agonie du peuple palestinien reste l'exemple le plus évident de cette politique de nettoyage ethnique constante et méthodique que mène Israël contre les peuples. La guerre menée actuellement en Irak par les États-Unis se déroule selon cette doctrine de destruction des peuples, préconisée de longue date par Israël.

Quant au terrorisme, dont cet État se prétend éternellement victime, il a toujours été alimenté, manipulé et mis en pratique par tous les gouvernements israéliens qui se sont succédés. Le terrorisme a toujours été son arme principale et est devenu son arme stratégique dès que la  «  doctrine terroriste   » a été officialisée en 1996.

S.C. - Cela était-il inscrit dans ce que l'on appelait, ces années-là, le  «  processus de paix   »  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Exactement. A Madrid et Oslo, on avait parlé d'une  «  paix qui assurerait la sécurité   ». Mais, lors du sommet de Charm-El Cheik en 1996, on a parlé d'une  «  sécurité qui assurerait la paix   ». C'est là qu'est née la doctrine terroriste de la  «  guerre contre le terrorisme   ». Depuis, c'est cette nouvelle stratégie qui s'est s'imposée et qui a changé tout le climat psychologique et géopolitique, dans la région et dans le monde. Cette guerre dite  «  contre le terrorisme   » s'est avérée être bien pire qu'une simple guerre d'occupation.

Les chefs d'États arabes se sont vus contraints de mener cette guerre contre les mouvements de libération qualifiés - selon la formule consacrée par Israël et les États-Unis -  «  d'organisations terroristes   ». Ceci avant que d'autres guerres ne menacent ces mêmes États arabes, qualifiés à leur tour  «  de foyers de terrorisme   ».

S.C. - La donne a donc été renversée  ? On s'attaquait encore une fois aux victimes, au profit d'Israël  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Oui, bien sûr. En se fondant sur cette doctrine de guerre contre  «  le terrorisme   » Israël, a repris son image de victime agressée. Les États arabes sont restés, eux, sur la défensive, chargés d'assurer  «  la sécurité d'Israël   » comme condition préalable à toute  «  négociation de paix   ». Litanie éternelle conçue, non seulement pour leur refuser la paix, mais pour favoriser le terrorisme (d'État) de cette soi-disant  «  guerre contre le terrorisme   ».

Le plus grave, dans ce changement radical, est le fait que les États-Unis ont repris à leur compte la doctrine de guerre d'Israël. Une fois le sommet de Charm el Cheik terminé, le président Clinton suivi de ses conseillers, s'est envolé pour Israël. Des équipes israélo-américaines ont travaillé pendant trois jours d'affilée pour définir les plans qui traduiraient cette nouvelle doctrine.

Indice très significatif  : entre 1996 et le 11 septembre 2001, la culture de la haine et de la peur s'est répandue aux États-Unis avec la publication de milliers de livres et d'articles consacrés au terrorisme. Dès lors, le  «  terrorisme islamiste   » est devenu le nouvel empire du mal, l'objet de tout le discours politique. La vision de la guerre contre  «  le terrorisme   », forcement génératrice de terrorisme, avait déjà envahi le monde et s'était élevée au rang d'une charte universelle.

S.C. - Ainsi vous pensez que le point de départ de la guerre contre  «  le terrorisme   » n'est pas septembre 2001 mais qu'il était déjà inscrit dans un  «  processus de paix   », qui s'est révélé être, en réalité  «  un processus de guerre   »  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Tout à fait. Le soi-disant  «  processus de paix   », issu des pourparlers de Madrid et Oslo, n'était que la mise en application de la doctrine de guerre formulée par Aba Eban en 1967-68 et adoptée par Israël.

Faire la paix avec les États, faire la guerre contre les peuples [1] est le titre d'un essai sur cette doctrine de guerre, que j'ai présenté à un colloque à l'Université de Bordeaux. J'y analysais les principes de la politique étrangère, voire de la stratégie globale, qu'Aba Eban avait édictés dès les années 70. Principes repris par M.  Peres et M.  Rabin dans les années 90 et présentés sous la forme d'une  «  doctrine de paix   », alors qu'elle restait, ce qu'elle a toujours été  : une  «  doctrine de guerre   » conçue pour être à la fois appliquée contre leurs voisins arabes mais aussi exportée. Quant au prétendu  «  terrorisme   », Israël a toujours qualifié les Palestiniens de  «  terroristes   », déjà bien avant que la doctrine de  «  guerre contre le terrorisme   » ne soit officiellement adoptée en 1996. Le 11 septembre 2001 ne fut à la fois l'aboutissement de cette doctrine et un nouveau point de départ.

S.C. - Ce n'est donc pas d'une guerre coloniale qu'il faut parler  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Non, ce n'est pas une guerre coloniale. C'est une guerre de destruction des sociétés, une guerre qui détruit la vie des peuples. L'occupation en tant que telle est le moindre mal. Dans une guerre coloniale, il est de l'intérêt du colonisateur qu'il subsiste un peuple à exploiter. Il s'agit ici, pour l'occupant israélien, d'un peuple à éliminer. C'est tout à fait différent d'une guerre coloniale  ! Une guerre coloniale se traduit ordinairement par l'occupation de la terre et non pas - comme on le voit en Palestine - par le nettoyage ethnique d'un peuple. Il faut cesser de se limiter à n'y voir qu'une simple occupation car, en Palestine, l'occupant israélien commet un nettoyage ethnique. Il est urgent de le dénoncer et de forcer les meurtriers qui pratiquent ce crime à l'arrêter.

S.C. - Durant ces années, où le processus dit  «  de paix   » occupait tous les diplomates et les sommets, aviez-vous pressenti que Yasser Arafat engageait son peuple dans une voie sans issue et qu'Israël en profitait, lui, pour consolider ses acquis  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Oui, cela était clair. Yasser Arafat était un leader traditionnel appelé à faire face à une situation exceptionnelle. Confronté à une stratégie qui, de fait, sapait les fondations de la vie de la société palestinienne, il a fait une politique politicienne. Politique davantage préoccupée de jeter les fondements de l'Autorité palestinienne, que de défendre les intérêts de son peuple.

Au moment même où Yasser Arafat négociait avec Israël la mise en place de l'Autorité palestinienne sur une petite partie du territoire palestinien, celui-ci subissait une parcellisation  : les colonies se multipliaient et les routes destinées exclusivement aux Israéliens qui sillonnaient ce territoire avaient pour objectif de rendre toute autorité inopérante à assurer la survie des Palestiniens.

S.C. - Comment comprendre, dès lors, la soumission de nombre de dirigeants arabes   aux desiderata des États-Unis, dont l'objectif est de les affaiblir pour mieux renforcer la position d'Israël et celle de l'Amérique  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : La soumission de la plupart des dirigeants arabes n'est pas un fait nouveau. Ils ont toujours compté sur une puissance extérieure - ou sur le rapport de force mondial - pour consolider leur propre pouvoir et, par conséquent, ils ont toujours été peu sensibles aux attentes de leurs peuples. A défaut d'appui populaire, ils ont toujours cherché à concilier leurs propres intérêts avec les intérêts des États influents, considérant leur soumission à ces États, comme une garantie de leur protection et de leur maintien au pouvoir.

Après la chute de l'Union Soviétique, la soumission des dirigeants arabes aux États Unis s'est presque généralisée. Pour deux raisons  : par manque d'alternative extérieure et à cause de la montée des pressions intérieures. Une sorte de fuite en avant. Mais cette fuite ne peut durer à l'infini car, dans le contexte actuel, leur soumission ne les protège plus vraiment. Parce que le rôle des États-Unis dans le monde, notamment dans notre région, a changé. Premièrement, les États-Unis ne se limitent plus à assurer la sécurité d'Israël mais ils se chargent également de réaliser les projets de ce dernier. Deuxièmement, les intérêts conventionnels des États-Unis ne sont plus le critère qui permet de comprendre leur politique. Car le pouvoir des néo-conservateurs - qui sont un État dans l'État - va dans le sens d'intérêts foncièrement différents, sinon opposés.

S.C. - Ce changement capital échappe-t-il aux dirigeants arabes alliés des États-Unis  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Oui il leur échappe. Ils continuent de se présenter comme garants de stabilité, alors même que les projets d'Israël appuyés par les États-Unis n'ont d'autres buts que de déstabiliser la région. Ils se sentent de plus en plus déboussolés. Mais ils ne s'en sortiront que lorsqu'ils s'apercevront que la résistance est plus payante que la soumission  ; et aussi que la soumission est plus coûteuse que la résistance, quels que soient les sacrifices que celle-ci exige.

S.C. - De la part des dirigeants arabes, n'est-ce pas une politique insensée de faire comme s'ils ne savaient pas ce que tout le monde sait - à savoir que les États-Unis et Israël veulent les affaiblir et les empêcher de vivre en paix - et de continuer de composer avec eux  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Les dirigeants arabes sont hypocrites. Ils feignent d'ignorer certaines évidences, ils refusent de reconnaître qu'il est inutile, voire dangereux, de composer avec les États-Unis et Israël. S'ils avaient eu des illusions avant  «  Madrid   » et  «  Oslo   », l'expérience de la dernière décennie aurait dû leur ouvrir les yeux. Et la guerre contre l'Irak, qui a montré la nature du danger, aurait dû les alarmer. Cela dit, je ne pense pas que tout le monde sache ce qui se passe vraiment en Palestine ou en Irak, ou ce qui se prépare contre le Liban, la Syrie et d'autres pays du Moyen-Orient. La doctrine de  «  guerre israélienne   » - qui, je le répète, consiste à détruire les sociétés et non pas seulement à les dominer - échappe toujours à la compréhension des responsables politiques et des politologues en général.

Combien de dirigeants dans le monde savent-ils, ou reconnaissent-ils, que ce qu**'Israël** fait en Palestine - sous prétexte d'opérations dites  «  sécuritaires   » - est un nettoyage ethnique systématique  ? Que la guerre que les États-Unis mènent en Irak détruit méthodiquement la vie du peuple irakien  ? Que le Moyen-Orient est actuellement le champ d'expérimentation du  «  chaos créateur   », monstrueux mécanisme de suicide planétaire.

S.C. - Pour Israël et les États-Unis, n'est-il pas plus facile de détruire le peuple palestinien et irakien, dès lors que des États - comme l'Égypte, la Jordanie, l'Arabie saoudite - se compromettent avec eux  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Les États arabes participent à cette destruction, en effet, dès lors qu'ils acceptent cet état de choses, tout en donnant l**'illusion** qu'un jour il y aura une forme de paix, ou une sorte d'État palestinien. Aucun dirigeant arabe n'a jamais affirmé qu'il y a un nettoyage ethnique qui se poursuit depuis 1948 en Palestine.

S.C. - Ainsi, selon vous, l**'extension** de la guerre à laquelle on assiste était programmée de longue date et pouvait être par ces États dénoncée, contrée  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : J'ai travaillé sur ce sujet de 1996 à 2001. Je suis arrivé à la conclusion que les autorités des États-Unis étaient en attente d'un grand incident. Ils ne faisaient rien pour l'empêcher, mais préparaient tout pour pouvoir l'exploiter ensuite. C'est le thème de mon livre qui était à l**'impression** quand les attentats du 11 septembre sont arrivés.

S.C. - En 1990, quand Bush père, voulant convaincre le monde du bien fondé de sa guerre dite du Golfe, avait laissé entendre qu'elle permettrait également, une fois Saddam Hussein renversé, d'instaurer un  «  nouvel ordre mondial   » et de conclure la paix en Palestine, aviez-vous pressenti que ce n'étaient que des mots creux, qu'une fois cette logique de guerre avalisée plus personne ne l'arrêterait, et que les pays arabes qui y participeraient iraient au désastre  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Les États arabes étaient forcés de suivre cette machination. Par ailleurs, à ce moment là, les États-Unis n'avaient pas dévoilé toutes leurs cartes. Ils avaient parlé d'une guerre qui devait contraindre l'Irak à se retirer du Koweït. Ils n'avaient pas parlé de sanctions. Or cette guerre avait été conçue pour que les choses ne s'arrêtent pas là  : pour qu'elle soit suivie de sanctions et de nouvelles guerres. Sanctions qui, de 1990 à 2001, ont tué près d'un million d'enfants irakiens et causé des séquelles physiques et psychiques chez quatre ou cinq autres millions d'enfants. C'est toute une société qui a été détruite et qui en est sortie très malade.

S.C. - Dans ce contexte, la déstabilisation du Liban et de la Syrie, provoquée par l'assassinat d'Hariri, servait-elle les intérêts de ceux qui ont pour objectif de continuer la guerre contre d'autres peuples  ?

Youssef Aschkar et Phil Berg 18 novembre 2005, conférence Axis For Peace 2005.Youssef Aschkar  : Ce qui se passe en Syrie et au Liban est étroitement lié à ce qui se passe en Irak. Il y a deux stratégies qui sont à l'Å“uvre en Irak. La stratégie américaine officielle, qui est peut-être une stratégie impériale de domination et de contrôle des ressources. Et une autre stratégie, qui est celle d'une bande de monstres, que l'on appelle néo-conservateurs et qui dicte ses projets au Pentagone et au ministère des affaires étrangères. Cette bande (Richard Perle, Paul Wolfowitz, Douglas J. Feith entre autres) a son propre plan. C'est elle qui a préconisé de détruire, non seulement l'État, mais toute la société irakienne. Tout le réseau que contrôlent les néo-conservateurs échappe aux généraux du Pentagone, échappe au commandement militaire américain. Il s'est infiltré dans toutes les autorités supérieures des États-Unis, il s'est infiltré aussi dans la société, dans les médias américains, dans les sectes religieuses. C'est un État dans l'État.

Cela est apparu clairement dans le scandale des tortures à la prison d'Abu Ghraib. La générale qui était aux commandes des prisons s'est un jour étonnée, sortant de son bureau  :  «  Mais qui sont ces gens qui circulent dans les couloirs   »  ? Son garde du corps lui a répondu  :  «  Ce sont les gens qui font les interrogatoires   ». Cette générale responsable des prisons n'en savait rien.

S.C. - Cela veut-il dire que, là où les néo-conservateurs considèrent avoir réussi à atteindre leur objectif, il s'agit parfois d'une défaite pour les troupes de l'armée américaine  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Tout à fait. Car il y a deux plans qui sont à l'Å“uvre. Il y a le plan officiel d'une armée d'occupation qui peut se retirer, qui peut augmenter ses forces, qui peut se trouver coincée. Et le plan des néo-conservateurs, qui dictent à l'armée américaine leur propre stratégie, qui disposent de 45 000 mercenaires et qui sont plus influents que l'armée américaine elle-même. Ces néo-conservateurs sont, eux, satisfaits et voient la fin de leur mission en Irak car ils estiment avoir atteint tous les buts de guerre qu'ils s'étaient assignés avec leurs milices  : amener toute la société irakienne dans une impasse d'où elle ne sortira plus, remplacer une dictature centrale par une multitude de communautés religieuses totalitaires, qui seront en conflit permanent. Ils se sentent donc prêts à s'attaquer à la déstabilisation du Liban, de la Syrie, de l'Iran.

S.C. - Pourtant, certains analystes pensent que l'Amérique ne peut pas mener deux guerres à la fois, qu'elle ne peut pas s'aventurer ailleurs, alors que son armée est immobilisée en Irak  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Les néo-conservateurs se moquent de tout cela  ; leur projet était de détruire la société irakienne et rien ne les a arrêtés. Ils trouveront une autre formule pour s'en prendre à la Syrie ou à l'Iran. Ce qui se passe est très grave. On pourrait me dire  «  Mais c'est un cauchemar  ! Vous vous imaginez des choses  !   » Je dis, faisons une enquête pour vérifier si ce que j'affirme à leur sujet est vrai ou non.

S.C. - Une enquête sur quoi précisément  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Sur ces néo-conservateurs qui dominent le Pentagone et sont à l'origine de tant de désastres humanitaires  ! Sur ce qui s'est réellement passé le 11 septembre 2001  ! Sur qui commande véritablement la guerre en Irak  ! Est-ce M.  Bush ou bien ces monstres qui, au Pentagone, se servent de mercenaires pour mener des opérations secrètes au Moyen-Orient  ?

S.C. - Pensez-vous que les procureurs qui enquêtent sur l'assassinat d'Hariri par exemple, ne vont pas pouvoir établir la vérité  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : C'est la résistance qui devrait mener cette enquête. J'appelle à ce que soit mis en place une  «  résistance-enquête   ». Avant septembre 2001, on ne pouvait pas enquêter et stopper les néo-conservateurs, parce que leurs noms n'étaient pas connus. Maintenant, nul ne peut plus les arrêter parce que la machine est lancée, mais nous pouvons au moins enquêter sur leurs crimes et les dénoncer nommément.

S.C. - L'État français s'était clairement opposé à l'intervention de Bush et Blair contre l'Irak. Son récent réalignement vous a-t-il surpris  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : La position de la France sur l'Irak avait suscité un grand espoir au Moyen-Orient quand elle s'est opposée aux folies des néo-conservateurs américains. En se démarquant des États-Unis, la France avait tout à gagner sur le plan intérieur, européen et mondial.

Malheureusement, sa position a changé dès juin 2004. Il y a eu, ce mois là, quatre événements décisifs  : le sommet transatlantique entre l'Europe et les États Unis, le sommet de l'Alliance atlantique à Istanbul, le G8 à Evian, la fameuse rencontre aux Nations unies. Lors de ces quatre rencontres, les États-Unis sont parvenus à imposer leur logique de guerre. M**.  Chirac** et son équipe n'ont présenté aucune vision qui soit propre aux intérêts de la France, de l'Europe et du monde. La France s'est effacée pour faire place à la simple recherche d'une  «  réconciliation   » avec les États Unis.

C'est la France qui s'est chargée de préparer la Résolution 1559. Elle s'est donné l'illusion de devenir un  «  partenaire   » au plan régional et un acteur de premier plan sur la scène libanaise. Alors qu'en réalité, une fois soumise, la France n'est plus qu'un simple pion sur l'échiquier des néo-conservateurs, dont le plan est clair  : instrumentaliser pour déstabiliser, pas seulement la Syrie et l'Iran, mais le Liban en premier lieu.Les dirigeants français ont cédé à la vision néo-conservatrice. Ils ont commis une erreur de jugement. S'ils n'avaient pas versé dans l'opportunisme, ils auraient pu résister et gagner bien davantage. En 2003, la France avait été gagnante à Londres, quand M.  Dominique de Villepin, dans son discours historique sur la situation mondiale, avait présenté une vision qui partait d'une vraie volonté politique et tenait tête aux monstres du Pentagone. Alors qu'actuellement la France est perdante sur tous les tableaux.

Les petits calculs conventionnels ne paient pas dans ces situations exceptionnelles. En clair, M.  Chirac a accepté, sur le plan moral, de dégrader l'image de la France et, sur le plan éthique et fonctionnel, de confier à la France le sale rôle de déstabiliser la région, notamment le Liban, et de tromper les Libanais sur leur avenir.

Je voudrais, ici, poser plusieurs questions à M.  Chirac. Quel projet a-t-il pour cette région  ? Quel contrôle peut-il exercer sur le projet américain préexistant  ? Estime-t-il que la France et l**'Europe** sortent gagnantes en s'associant à ce projet de déstabilisation, voire de mise à feu de la région  ?

S.C. - Selon vous, la France, s'est-elle aujourd'hui totalement ralliée à la politique anti-arabe de Bush et Blair  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : La France a abandonné sa position de force  ; elle a renoncé à son rôle particulier qui consistait à frayer une nouvelle voie, pour elle et pour l'Europe, avec le tiers monde. Ce dernier est son partenaire naturel dans l'esprit d'un partenariat de complémentarité à visage humain. Pour être crédible, cet esprit devait se manifester, non seulement dans les nouvelles relations intra-européennes, mais aussi vis-à-vis du monde extérieur, notamment du tiers-monde. Malheureusement, la France a décidé, non seulement de s'aligner sur les États Unis, mais aussi d'adhérer à la doctrine de guerre des néo-conservateurs. Ce positionnement lui a valu de s'effacer et de s'isoler. Cet isolement se traduit à trois niveaux  : celui de Jacques Chirac en France, celui de la France en Europe, et celui de l'Europe dans le monde. Un grand espoir s'est évaporé, qui laisse le monde livré au nouvel ordre de la peur et de la haine.

S.C. - Les citoyens du monde seraient-il entre les mains de dirigeants irresponsables qui ne maîtrisent plus rien  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Les dirigeants politiques ne se réduisent pas à cela. Même s'ils font le plus souvent preuve d'irresponsabilité, d'opportunisme et de mensonge. Le fond du problème est ailleurs  : il s'agit de savoir qui détient le vrai pouvoir. Dans le  «  nouvel ordre mondial   », ce vrai pouvoir est en train de se déplacer de l'autorité territoriale des États, à l'autorité sans contrôle d'une lignée de nouveaux maîtres. Je ne désigne pas les multinationales, les instances financières transnationales et le processus de privatisation économique. Les nouveaux maîtres sont d'un autre ordre  : ils sont liés à la monstrueuse équipe de néoconservateurs qui agissent aux quatre coins du monde à l'aide de leurs réseaux et milices. Le domaine économique est soumis à leur projet. La privatisation n'est plus une simple mesure économique. C'est principalement une idéologie qui consiste à privatiser et à monopoliser l'essentiel de l'espace public, notamment politique et sécuritaire, pour instrumentaliser les autres secteurs. Il s'agit d'un monstrueux coup d'État planétaire.

Les dirigeants politiques sont de plus en plus dépassés et manipulés. Ils souffrent moins d'incompétences personnelles et d'inhabiletés  «  techniques   » que de manque de vision ou de valeur morale  : ils sont autant lâches qu'ignorants, ne sachant pas, ou n'osant pas, reconnaître la nouvelle réalité.

Nos autorités ne veulent pas relever ce défi. D'autant qu'elles ne sont pas soumises à des pressions populaires qui les forceraient à changer d**'orientation**. Notre tâche doit donc tendre à provoquer une prise de conscience populaire qui les contraigne à changer de politique. Cette pression populaire devrait être plus forte et plus convaincante que celle qu'exercent actuellement les États-Unis sur nos autorités.

S.C. - Au Liban, la population soupçonne-t-elle qu'elle est peut-être - depuis l'assassinat d'Hariri - l'objet de manÅ“uvres, non pas inter-arabes mais, occidentales  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Les Libanais sont très inquiets au sujet de leur avenir. Mais la manipulation quotidienne exercée par des réseaux de saboteurs agissant en secret, les empêche souvent de voir clair. Une grande partie du peuple libanais est consciente, je crois, de ces manÅ“uvres criminelles, mais elle n'est pas unie ni préparée à répondre de manière efficace à ces manipulations. Tandis que les manÅ“uvriers, eux, parviennent à exploiter toutes les faiblesses de la politique politicienne qui est de tradition au Liban, et aussi à se servir de la question confessionnelle pour diviser les gens. Le communautarisme, sur lequel les manÅ“uvriers s'appuient, prive les citoyens de leurs repères communs et rationnels, d'autant que les plans de ceux qui déstabilisent la société sont méticuleusement préparés.

Nous avons un grand travail de conscientisation à mener si nous voulons éviter que la situation ne s'aggrave et ne devienne irréversible. Le temps presse.

S.C. - Se pourrait-il que des services secrets occidentaux aient financé les exécutants de l'attentat contre Hariri  ? Mais dans quel but  ? Faire éclater la société libanaise  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Sans aucun doute, l'infiltration n'est pas seulement une arme principale, c'est une stratégie. C'est la spécialité des services secrets. La capacité de ces services est sans égale pour créer des scénarios invraisemblables et les exploiter pleinement. Faire éclater la société libanaise fait partie de leur plan principal. Quant à leur calendrier, il reste obscur. Notre tâche immédiate est d'agir à temps pour faire échouer leur plan terrifiant.

S.C. - Vous êtes donc très inquiet pour l'avenir  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Si on continue dans cette voie, c'est très grave. Tous les voisins directs d'Israël, toute cette région considérée comme un  «  espace vital   » par Israël, sont sous sa menace directe, sujets à déstabilisation.

Dans le contexte stratégique et géopolitique du  «  Grand Moyen Orient et de l'Afrique du Nord   », l'enjeu est Israélo-Américain. Les pressions s'exercent sur tous les fronts et dans toutes les directions. Elles s'exercent de façon très évidente sur l'Iran et la Syrie, alors que, sur le Liban, elles sont camouflées. Ce qui laisse le Liban en suspens, partagé entre ceux qui se font des illusions sur la démocratie, la liberté et la prospérité - appât empoisonné tendu par les Israéliens et les Américains - et ceux qui ne se font aucune illusion sur leurs intentions.

Le Liban est à la fois le pays le plus menacé et le plus vulnérable. Les chrétiens libanais, dont une partie s'imagine représenter une garantie qui met le Liban à l'abri de la menace israélienne, sont en réalité la cible prioritaire dans les projets d'Israël.

S.C - Cela vous surprend-t-ilde voir qu'en Occident - sous l'influence des propagandistes du  «  choc des civilisations   » qui ont leur tribune dans les grands médias- les gens ont largement accepté l'idée que les gens de confession musulmane sont des  «  fanatiques   » et des  «  terroristes   »  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Les services de propagande des néoconservateurs manipulent fort bien les faits et les médias  ; par ce biais ils parviennent, malheureusement, à tromper la majorité des gens et à déboussoler  les progressistes eux-mêmes. Ils agissent pour discréditer les musulmans, d'une part en manipulant et finançant des mercenaires qui exécutent des attentats terroristes que l'on attribue ensuite à la résistance, d'autre part en déclenchant un processus de fanatisation. Cette deuxième méthode consiste à créer des situations conflictuelles par des provocations à caractère religieux qui brouillent les repères, provoquent des manifestations et discréditent l'Islam [2].

Induits en erreur par ces provocations répétées, les progressistes sont déboussolés  : en tant qu'humanistes, ils ne peuvent défendre des actes violents  ; et en tant que laïcs, ils ne peuvent tolérer le fanatisme. Les progressistes qui ne sont pas conscients de la manipulation opérée par les néoconservateurs, se trouvent ainsi empêtrés dans de faux débats.

En fait, les attentats qui font de nombreuses victimes civiles sont téléguidés par cette bande du Pentagone qui, par le biais de ses réseaux, crée, et finance des organisations fantômes qui terrorisent les uns et les autres au nom des uns et des autres.

Remarquons ici, que l'idéologie des néo-conservateurs, telle qu'on la voit se déployer sur le terrain, est la seule et la première idéologie de l'Histoire qui cherche à produire des opposants plutôt que des adhérents, laissant aux opposants le rôle de lui fournir les adhérents.

Je m'explique. Cette idéologie s'applique à produire des opposants en les poussant au fanatisme de façon à susciter et à alimenter tous les fanatismes du monde, y compris le fanatisme musulman et arabe, ce qui permettra de donner une image très négative des musulmans, et finira par produire - c'est le but - des réactions hostiles à leur égard. Même les laïcs convaincus, des deux côtés, seront insensiblement amenés à remettre en question leur laïcité, et à voir dans  «  l'Autre   » un partenaire invivable. C'est ce qui se passe actuellement et qui est en voie de déstabiliser l'Europe, de causer une coupure entre les deux rives du bassin méditerranéen, de saboter et de ruiner les projets du partenariat méditerranéen de Barcelone.

Si cette coupure s'aggrave, des voix vont se faire entendre, également en Europe, pour appeler à se rallier à la doctrine des néo-conservateurs touchant la  «  guerre contre le terrorisme   » et le  «  fanatisme musulman   ». Ce n'est qu'à ce moment-là, que l'idéologie néo-conservatrice aura accompli sa mission  : ayant contribué à provoquer le développement du fanatisme chez les musulmans, elle aura suscité en retour, en Occident, des adhérents à ses thèses sur le  «  choc des civilisations   ». Et l'Europe, jusque là rétive, s'alignera sur l'idéologie des néo-conservateurs. Ces manÅ“uvres échappent aux progressistes et aux politiques en général.

S.C. - Quels moyens d'action pourraient encore changer ce cours tragique  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Tout doit partir d'une prise de conscience des réalités soigneusement occultées par cet édifice de mensonge qui travaille à manipuler l'esprit critique de toute l**'humanité**. Seule une  «  enquête planétaire   » pourrait répondre à cette menace planétaire et dévoiler les manÅ“uvres qui la sous-tendent. Cette prise de conscience devrait s'effectuer à deux niveaux  : celui des États et celui des citoyens. Cette  «  enquête planétaire   », doit commencer de toute urgence, elle doit devenir l'action prioritaire de la résistance et aussi le facteur unificateur de cette résistance. Tous les résistants et les militants du monde doivent s'unir, doivent s'opposer, en priorité, à cette nouvelle guerre planétaire, quelles que soient les causes particulières qu'ils défendent et les malheurs dont ils souffrent et contre lesquels ils luttent. Car cette guerre aggrave tous leurs malheurs particuliers et rend la lutte des peuples sous occupation plus difficile.  «  Axis for Peace   » s'est constitué dans cet esprit en novembre 2005 lors du colloque de Bruxelles. Les participants, qui militent pour différentes causes, se sont rendu compte de l'esprit unificateur de ce colloque. Nous devons faire de la lutte contre cette guerre qui s'attaque aux sociétés, la priorité des priorités. Car elle sert notre cause commune à tous et sert également à alerter les gouvernements quant à la portée de cette guerre qui les affectera tôt ou tard. Tant que cette menace n'est pas comprise et considérée comme prioritaire par les forces populaires, les gouvernements persisteront à aller dans des directions impropres à faire face à cette menace exceptionnelle.

S.C. - Le tableau que vous avez tracé n'est-il pas profondément déprimant pour les peuples du Moyen-Orient, voire pour nous tous  ?

Youssef Aschkar  : Bien sûr  ; je serai extrêmement pessimiste si les choses ne changent pas radicalement. Car il s'agit, au Moyen-Orient, d'une menace existentielle dont l'opinion n'est pas pleinement consciente  ; mais aussi d'une menace planétaire dont les peuples du monde et les États - notamment les grandes puissances - ne se sont pas suffisamment alarmés. Mais l'optimisme ou le pessimisme dépendront de l'avenir de notre action. Tout dépendra du fait qu'une action aura été menée à temps, et du fait que la résistance aura su unifier et centrer ses efforts sur la bonne cible. Car les forces unies, de celles et ceux qui s'engagent dans l'action, sont humainement supérieures à celles des monstres du Pentagone, quelle que soit l'énormité de leurs moyens matériels et logistiques.

Sylvia

(Courtoisie:Sylvia Cattori-Reseau Voltaire)

P.S.

[1]  «  Faire la paix avec les États, faire la guerre contre les peuples   », par Youssef Aschkar, Voltaire, 19 juin 2003.

[2] Cet entretien a eu lieu avant qu'éclate le scandale des caricatures danoises.

Eşekçalan Soyadını Değiştirecek

A.A

Şanlıurfa'nın Siverek ilçesinde "Eşekçalan" olan soyadından utanan kişi, bunu değiştirmek için mahkemeye başvurdu.

Siverek'in Gazi köyünde oturan Mehmet Eşekçalan (32), soyadının olumsuz anlamından utandığını söyledi.

Soyadının anlamından dolayı çeşitli sıkıntılar da yaşadığını belirten Eşekçalan, bu nedenle mahkemeye başvurduğunu belirtti.

Kendisini tanımayanların soyadını duyduğunda gülümsemeye başladığını ve bundan sıkıntı duyduğunu ifade eden Eşekçalan, şunları kaydetti:

"Özelikle askerlik görevimi yaparken soyadımdan dolayı arkadaşlarımın çoğu benimle alay ediyordu. İnsanlar soy ismimi duyunca hemen gülümsemeye başlıyor. Tarım işçisi olarak çalışıyorum bu nedenle şimdiye kadar soyadımı değiştirme imkanım olmadı. Ancak geçtiğimiz günlerde alay konusu olan soyadımı değiştirmeye karar verdim. Bu amaçla Siverek Asliye Hukuk Mahkemesine başvurdum. Şimdi mahkeme tarihini bekliyorum. Dilekçemde 'Eşekçalan' olan soyadımı 'Türkoğlu' olarak değiştirmek istediğimi belirttim. Bu soyadından ben çok çektim bari çocuklarım çekmesin."

Mehmet Eşekçalan, aynı soyadı taşıyan bazı akrabalarının da soyadlarını geçen yıl değiştirdiklerini belirtti. (Hürriyet'e teşekkürler)